From new laws on espionage and public security to fewer foreign films and arguments on clothing, is China turning away from the world?
Huawei is a giant of China’s telecommunication and consumer electronics industry and a major producer of smartphones.
Before Cai could answer the question, her colleague had pulled out a Huawei mobile from her bag.
“I think to fully support China against America, we all need to switch to Huawei as soon as we can,” she said and gestured towards Cai’s iPhone, before taking a sip of her Starbucks coffee.
“Her nationalism didn’t reach as far as the American coffee in her other hand,” Cai told Al Jazeera a few days after. Starbucks was founded in the northwestern United States city of Seattle.
Cai sees the incident as symptomatic of a new consumer nationalism among Chinese citizens, eager to champion domestic giants over foreign rivals.
Huawei and Apple recently launched new models to their smartphone collections within a few days of each other.
The new Huawei smartphone contains domestically produced advanced microchips and is a source of techno-nationalist pride in China.
And while thousands of Chinese consumers still queued up outside Apple stores on the morning of September 22 to be among the first to buy the iPhone 15, the California-based tech giant has found itself increasingly targeted in a reflection of the simmering rivalry between the US and China.
“The iPhone situation escalated into a showcase for Chinese nationalism,” Yao-Yuan Yeh, a professor of international studies focusing on Taiwan, China and Japan at the US University of St Thomas, told Al Jazeera.
According to the professor, nationalism has been on the rise in China in recent years particularly in the context of China’s growing competition with the US.
Cai agrees.
“Now there is a lot of people saying that if you love China, you buy from Huawei and if you buy an iPhone, you are a traitor,” Cai said.
“And I feel like it is causing China to close in on itself.”
But donning traditional Chinese clothing can also draw unwanted attention.
In early September, a group of Chinese people wearing hanfu in a park in Wuhan were allegedly told to leave by staff who mistook their clothing for traditional Japanese outfits.
Around the same time, proposed amendments to a Chinese public security law became public knowledge. If approved, the changes would criminalise comments, clothing or symbols that “undermine the spirit” or “harm the feelings” of the country.
Both the proposals and the incident in Suzhou and Wuhan have sparked debate on Chinese social media. Some have criticised police and lawmakers for going too far in their regulation of behaviour while others have argued it is important to be mindful of the supposed sensitivities in Chinese society.
“We used to be more open to other cultures but now I sometimes feel like they watch you with suspicion if there seems to be too much foreign influence in your life,” Justin Gou, a 26-year-old architect told Al Jazeera.
Gou, who is from Xiamen in southeastern China, points to an announcement from the Ministry of State Security in August that citizens should be encouraged to join counter-espionage efforts and that it would set up channels for individuals to report suspicious activity along with rewards for those doing so.
“It is like they want us to assume the worst of others especially if the others are foreigners,” Gou said.
The ministry’s words followed a revision of the country’s counter-espionage law which came into effect in July. That legislation expands the definition of espionage and among other things bans the transfer of information deemed related to “national security”.
A few weeks later, the US consultancy firm Mintz Group was fined $1.5 million for conducting ”unapproved” work after a raid on its Beijing offices led to the detention of the local staff.
The action against Mintz Group marked the beginning of a wider crackdown on foreign and international consultancy and due diligence firms in China.
Gou, who is from Xiamen in southeastern China, points to an announcement from the Ministry of State Security in August that citizens should be encouraged to join counter-espionage efforts and that it would set up channels for individuals to report suspicious activity along with rewards for those doing so.
“It is like they want us to assume the worst of others especially if the others are foreigners,” Gou said.
The ministry’s words followed a revision of the country’s counter-espionage law which came into effect in July. That legislation expands the definition of espionage and among other things bans the transfer of information deemed related to “national security”.
A few weeks later, the US consultancy firm Mintz Group was fined $1.5 million for conducting ”unapproved” work after a raid on its Beijing offices led to the detention of the local staff.
The action against Mintz Group marked the beginning of a wider crackdown on foreign and international consultancy and due diligence firms in China.
“Xi has global ambitions and they require China to reach out, not close off from the world,” Tsang told Al Jazeera.
President Xi has recently reached out to countries – especially in the developing world – with new foreign policy initiatives while also laying out a vision for a new global order.
The leadership has also called for China to achieve self-reliance.
This self-reliance centres around forging two separate economic circuits in China to shield the country from potential “containment and manipulation” by unfriendly forces, while at the same time ensuring it secures maximum advantage from the global economy.
That means Beijing must also keep China, including foreign investments and foreign customers necessary to drive an economy still struggling to recover from the prolonged lockdowns of the pandemic, “open for business”.




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